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-1Running head: THE RELEVANCE OF CULTURE AND RELIGION
The Relevance of Culture and Religion
To the History of Violence Against Women
Amanda Kitchen
Women and Violence
Argosy University, Tampa
April 3, 2009
Abstract
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This is a brief overview of literature contributing to the effects of culture and religion on
violence against women. It emphasizes the study of three subsets of culture, including:
Mexican women, Zambian women, and Rural Older women. It also explores religious
causality as well as religious responsibility.
The Relevance of Culture and Religion
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To the History of Violence Against Women
The United Nations General Assembly defines violence against women as “Any
act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual, or
psychological harm, or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or
arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.” (Kishor and
Johnson, 2004) How violence is enacted, perceived or dealt with depends on many
factors in a women’s life. For example, women who grow up in violent families are
taught to perceive abuse as perhaps normal or acceptable. Some cultures deem violence
against women to be necessary and tolerable. Certain religions believe that it is the
women’s duty to be submissive to the authority of man. This literature review searches to
explain the effects that particular cultures and religious structures have on the treatment
of women. The comparison of these two factors emphasize the reality of the cruelty
women have been facing for thousands of years simply because of their gender.
Ethnicity and Culture
Ethnicity and culture have a significant influence over societal rules regarding
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Western culture, IPV is considered illegal and
unacceptable. That is why there are resources for victims of abuse such as shelters, group
homes, and laws to protect women from their violent partners. There are however many
countries around the world, and even seclude areas of the United States where women are
not being protected because either their ethnic background provides a source of leniency
towards perpetrators of domestic violence or they are located far from help. Three
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examples of how culture and ethnicity play a role in violence against women are:
Mexican Femicide, Intimate Partner Violence in Zambia, and The Spousal Abuse of
Rural Aging Women.
Mexican Femicide
According to Juarez-Chihuahua (2008), femicide is defined as the murder of
women by men. There has been an epidemic occurring in the border town of Juarez,
Mexico since 1993, where more than 250 women have disappeared and 500 have been
killed. Domestic violence was the cause of approximately two thirds of these murders.
Young women between the ages of ten and thirty are kidnapped, tortured, raped, and
murdered. Social, political, and economic conditions in Mexico have created an
environment fostering violence against women for more than fourteen years. Several
factors involving globalization that has occurred in Mexico contribute to the rise in
violence. Among these factors are the passing of the North American Free Trade
Agreement, the Invasions, the Drug Cartel, and most significantly shifts in gender roles.
As for the last factor, many of the missing women and those known to be murder victims
come from an emerging class of working women in Mexico. Earning income has helped
these women break away from established roles and claim independence from men and
their fathers. These newly empowered women pose a serious threat to patriarchy. Juarez-
Chihuahua believes that the attempted destruction of working Mexican women indicated
a rebellion by Mexican men reasserting their Machismo. Perverted and exaggerated male
punishment of women is visible in various manifestations, including domestic violence
and murder. (Fregoso, Mexican Encounters, 4-5
Intimate Partner Violence in Zambia
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The abuse and violation of women has reached epidemic proportions in Africa
and this behavior seems to be accepted as normal. (Fourie, 2004) In a recent study, three
theories to explain the increasing violence in Zambia were developed based on the long
running cultural standards its society. One, exchange theory, explains that an individual
engages in a behavior either to earn rewards or to escape punishment. Every behavior is
driven by a calculated examination of risks vs. rewards on any particular action. People
use violence to maintain or advance their interests and therefore, men use violence for the
same purpose in order to maintain their status in society. Another idea, is resource theory.
In a relationship, the person who brings in the greatest number of resources is in
possession of more power. The use of violence is further influenced by societal norms
maintaining it s appropriateness as a method of sustaining power. (Jasinski, 2001) The
last theory is about the implicit nature of abuse. According to Malley-Morisson (2004),
when different people are asked for their definitions of abuse within the context of the
family, their definitions will reflect their informal set of assumptions about who is
abusive, why someone mistreats a family member, and what behaviors deserve the label
abuse. The variation of implicit theories is a function of cultural heritage. It is culturally
more acceptable in an area such as Zambia to beat your wife for refusing to have sex with
you, burning your dinner, or neglecting the children. (Klomegah, 2008)
Rural Aging Women
Limited age-aggregated data available suggests that there are a significant number
of midlife and older women who experience domestic violence. The 1992 National
Survey of Women indicated that 1.4 million women between the ages of 45 and 64 were
physically abused by their spouses. Many aging women living with violence are often
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invisible in rural communities where geographic isolation, economic constraint, strong
social and cultural pressures, and lack of available services significantly compound the
problems they may confront when seeking support and services to end violence. (Dugar,
Roberto & Teaster, 2006) Aging women face unique personal and family issues and
community obstacles that can influence their decision to leave an abusive relationship.
These women may be dependant on their partner for physical care or their partner may be
dependant on them. Aging women may have limited housing and employment
opportunities in the event that they do choose to leave. They may also encounter ageism
from law enforcement, courts, and others. Furthermore, the structure and culture of rural
environments may inadvertently conceal violence against aging women and inhibit
prevention and treatment. In small, close knit rural communities, victims and perpetrators
of abuse are often involved in family or other relationships with health care providers
who would be responding to any call for help. Rural women who are victimized are
significantly more likely to report that they knew the perpetrator than their urban
counterparts. (Dugar et al, 2006)
Religion
Religious affiliation has a way of soothing people. It makes a person feel of faith
feel that they are a part of something, that they are on the right path. According to most
religious standards, the congregations should consist of those with the deepest values and
most sincere code of ethics. However this isn’t always the case, and more often than not
the church is not the safe haven people assume it to be. Man religious leaders of all faith
prefer to assume that there is no violence among the members of their various churches.
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However, researchers have developed certain theories of theological reasoning as to why
spousal abuse occurs. What are the methods of dealing with abusers in the congregation,
and what are the clergy’s responsibility to this violence?
Theological Reasoning
Violence against women is a disturbing reality that demands a response to two
theological questions: How could such terrible violence against women happen? And
why does it continue undeterred for century upon century? The mutilated and
dismembered bodies of women militate against the honor of their creator. Desecration of
the body is the ultimate disregard for human dignity that God had endowed upon these
women. The extreme violence, rape, and murder of women is a revolt against the God
who wholly loves and cherishes their bodies and souls.(Luevano, 2006) It is hard to
imagine that a just and all loving God would let such human torture exist. This is the
question that makes it impossible for followers of the church to believe the victims. Many
faithful blame the victim, and believe they must have sinned in some grave way and
deserve punishment, or that they drove their loving husband to hurt them.
Abusers in the Congregation
Family violence, spousal abuse, and dating abuse is present in faith communities.
In a study of 854 female victims of abuse, it was found that 50% attended church several
times a month. Churches often ignore the issue of family violence, wanting to believe that
families of faith are happy and wholesome. Furthermore, many people blame domestic
violence on circumstances beyond the abuser’s control and may even blame the victim’s
for being abused, thus limiting their self determination and options for seeking help.
(Homiak & Singletary, 2007) It seems that having a religious affiliation often leaves
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victims feeling isolated rather than protected. Many members of the church are in such
deep denial of violence in their mist, that the victims are left with no one to turn to.
Women and children who sought help because of family violence rated clergy as the least
effective caregivers. They claimed clergy did not take them seriously, disbelieved their
claims of violence, and sent them home to pray. (Homiak & Singletary, 2007)
Clergy Responsibility
Many victims of abuse attend church and seek ministerial help. Clergy often
establish trust and credibility with couples during premarital counseling; thus, couples
may naturally return to their pastor or the like for counseling when the marriage is in
crisis. However clergy often feel ill-equipped to respond to domestic violence. When
Miles (2008), interviewed 158 clergy from various theological worldviews, all reported
that they condemned violence against women. At the same time, more than 50% of these
clergy believed domestic violence was not an issue in their personal congregation. Staff
in churches recognize the need for clergy to respond effectively to domestic violence.
Churches often offer grace to hurting people, but do not provide a safe place for people to
struggle with their abuse or pain openly. Some clergy hold tightly to the notion that
family problems can be solved by prayer or by greater female submission. As a result
these clergy tend to encourage women to stay in an abusive relationship and avoid
divorce at all costs. Overall faith communities have valuable resources for addressing
domestic violence and generally are a trusted place where victims of abuse seek haven.
However because clergy are ill equipped and tend to favor staying in the marriage or
ignoring family violence, many victims do not receive adequate assistance. (Homiak &
Singletary, 2007)
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Overall women are subject to the environment that surrounds them. Some are
lucky to be in a community where they are told to empower themselves to fight against
violence. Others are culturally conditioned to accept abuse in their daily lives. It is the
responsibility of all women to educate and reach out to victims of violence. We need to
overcome ignorance about acceptable social norms that incorporate hurt, mental
repercussions, and sometimes death.
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References
Dugar,T.A.& Roberto, K.A.& Teaster, P.B. (2006) Intimate partner violence of rural
aging women. Family Relations (55) 636-648
Fourie, Ronel. (2004). “South Africa.” Pp 243-261 in International Perspectives on
Family Violence and Abuse. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawerence Erlbaum
Associates, Publishers.
Homiak, K.B.& Singletary, J.E. (2007) Family violence in congregations: an exploratory
study of clergy’s needs. Social Work & Christianity. (34) 18-46
Jasinski, Janal. (2001) Injury: A Leading Cause of the Global Burden on Disease. Geneva
World Health Organization, 2002. HWO document.
Kishor, Sunita & Kiersten, Johnson. (2004). Profiling Domestic Violence: A Multi-
Country Study. Calverton, MD. ORC Macro.
Klomegah, R.Y. (2007) Intimate partner violence in zambia: an examination of risk
factors and gender perceptions. Department of Sociology. Fayetteville State
University, 1200 Murchison Road, Fayetteville, North Carolina, 28301, USA.
Lue’vano, R. (2008) A living call: the theological challenge of the Juarez-Chihuahua
femicides. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion.(24.2) 67-76
Malley-Morrison, Kathleen.(2004). International Perspectives on Family Violence: A
Multi-Country Study. e: A Calverton, MD: ORC Macro.