First published on 27th August 2005 in Buzzle Excerpt: Voice Finfinne is a significant Oromo portal geared to diffuse Oromo related subjects, to promote respect for human rights in Abyssinia, and to remind to the rest of the world that what people call 'Addis Abeba' is a totally hated (as imposed and foreign) name, which is not used by the majority of the citizens of Abyssinia, because they employ in their daily life the original and permanent name of that Oromo city: Finfinne.

1. How legitimate is the Government of
Abyssinia?
Voice Finfinne is a significant Oromo portal geared to promote respect for
human rights in Abyssinia, and to remind to the rest of the world that the real
name of 'Addis Abeba' is Finfinne. Voice Finfinne recently published a severe
criticism of undemocratic practices followed by the TPLF/EPRDF party. We
republish the integral text of that article.
How much legitimate is the Government of Abyssinia?
By Prof. Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
The recent elections of Abyssinia, a country that is still ruled by its Tigray
(12%) and Amhara (20%) minorities, reveal the impossibility of a multi-ethnic
and multi-cultural democracy in the highlands of Eastern Africa. The Oromos
(45%), the Sidamas, the Afars, the Ogadenis and the other smaller minorities
have been left marginalized by the ruling mainly Tigray TPLF/EPRDF party.
The imposition of Amhara and Tigray (Abyssinian) culture on the Cushitic
(Ethiopian) majority of Abyssinia was our topic in earlier features. In this
article, we prefer to let the Oromos speak in the name of all the marginalized
and oppressed minorities of Abyssinia that in the year 2005 remains as
unknown to the West as the country of Pretre Jean (Prester John) of the
European Medieval traditions (that was identified with Abyssinia).

2. Voice Finfinne is a significant Oromo portal geared to diffuse Oromo related
subjects, to promote respect for human rights in Abyssinia, and to remind to
the rest of the world that what people call 'Addis Abeba' is a totally hated (as
imposed and foreign) name, which is not used by the majority of the citizens
of Abyssinia, because they employ in their daily life the original and
permanent name of that Oromo city: Finfinne.
It would bear evidence to rudimentary sensitivity for the UN Secretary
General, Mr. Kofi Anan, to solemnly demand from the Abyssinian president
and government not to use at the international level the loathsome name of
Addis Abeba that the majority of the people of that long tyrannized country
do not use.
Addis Abeba must become internationally known as Finfinne.
Voice Finfinne recently published a severe criticism of undemocratic practices
followed by the TPLF/EPRDF party. We fully accept the approach and
republish the integral text of that article. It sheds light to post-electoral
developments that may shape the political future of Finfinne.
Getting Legitimacy: What the Illegitimate TPLF Should Do Now
From:
http://www.voicefinfinne.org/English/Column/TPLF_Legitmacy.htm
The possible outcomes of Ethiopia's 2005 legislative elections seem to be
narrowing down. The National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has
declared the TPLF/EPRDF party the winner of the majority of the seats for
the federal parliament as well as for four other major regional states. The two
main oppositions now appear to focus more on the resolution of the political
saga through peaceful legal means than through violence and other means.
The United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF) and the Coalition for Unity
and Democracy (CUD) have recently made a joint statement calling for the
formation of a National Unity Government for a short time. Why for short
time instead of the five year term they competed for is not clear. According to
their current standing, they have no mandate to rewrite the constitution. It
would be plausible if their demand were for the next five year term.
Nonetheless, those in the oppositions who opted to put peace before anything
must be commended for their farsighted call. There is also pressure from the
international community on all parties to resolve the conflict peacefully,
which is also welcome.
As Voice Finfinne wrote recently, peace in Ethiopia and in East Africa region
is the most expensive political commodity today. In their joint statement, the

3. oppositions have clearly stated that "... any deterioration of [the political
crisis] to a violent confrontation would be a disaster to the country." The press
release also notes that "... opportunities exist for deepening and extending the
democratic opening made possible by the election of May 15, 2005."
Unfortunately, the TPLF/EPRDF is reported to have rejected the call of the
oppositions to form a unity government. As a party that was set out to
liberate Tigray from Ethiopia, the TPLF used prisoners of war to form what it
calls the People's Democratic Organizations (PDOs). That was its first step
that set in motion TPLF's illegitimacy as far as any claim by it that it is a
defender of the rights of other peoples in Ethiopia is concerned.
Its second step of illegitimacy was marked when it changed its agenda from
liberating Tigray to taking power in Ethiopia by creating the Ethiopian
Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which is composed of the
TPLF at the core and a constellation of PDOs as its shield.
After it controlled the country's political machinery in Finfinne, it pushed to
the side legitimate other peoples' political organizations such as the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF) and the All Amhara People Organization (AAPO). It
then went into the 1992 legislative elections in which it practically competed
against itself and won. That was illegitimate election and victory.
Meles Zenawi, chairman of the TPLF then and up to now, appointed the
National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). That makes it a partisan election
board. This election board is at the center of the three elections and have
contributed for Meles' reign in Ethiopia for fourteen years now; it is almost
certain that he will rule the country for the next five years.
Immediately following the 2005 elections, Meles ordered a ban on any public
demonstration for one full month in the capital, which was later extended for
another month. A few weeks after the elections, its armed force shot and
killed over forty protesters. One of UEDF's parliament-elect was gunned
down by the government police. Although the NEBE's preliminary results
showed that the two main oppositions won over 183 seats in the parliament,
the confirmed results show that their combined seats is short of that number
by 12. According to the constitution, this number is one of the critical
milestones to reach for the oppositions to make meaningful democratic
contribution in the next five years, because it gives them the power to block
any legislation.
Yet, although the oppositions were the forerunners in calling for the
investigations of vote irregularities, the EPRDF became the winner in having
greater number of election reruns. It would be only the TPLF/EPRDF that
knows better than any party else if it is fighting to have the number of the
oppositions below this critical number so that it can pass any legislation freely

4. during the next five years or not.
With all their shortcomings, the oppositions have won nearly a third of the
seats in the Federal parliament. In other words, what this tells is that about a
third of the constituencies in the country are not represented by the TPLF
even if we were to think that the elections were free and fair.
It would be foolhardy to have us believe that the TPLF/EPRDF put
democracy before its partisan interests. It is rather the combined pressure
from the Oromo and other peoples political movements of a long time, as well
as from the various international communities that forced the TPLF/EPRDF
to take a measured step in opening up the political space to the oppositions.
In Meles' own admission, they took a calculated risk. It now appears that they
under calculated the risk and would like the oppositions to take the toll of the
miscalculation.
In the face of all the illegitimacies and frauds of the past, neither the TPLF nor
Meles Zenawi have the moral high ground to refuse the call for a Unity
Government. As a matter of fact, strictly speaking, both the TPLF and Meles
should not be ruling Ethiopia today. However, as the letter of the oppositions
notes carefully, the TPLF/EPRDF party "... seems to be determined to retain
power by all means ..." and it is necessary for them to avert any violence that
will have serious repercussions.
How this initial response of the TPLF/EPRDF materializes at the end of the
day will give all parties interested in the political developments in Ethiopia an
opportunity to show its true intensions. If it allows itself to open the space in
the executive branch of government both at the federal as well as the regional
levels, this may be an opportunity for this party to demonstrate that its
intentions over the past fourteen years have been to cultivate democracy in
Ethiopia. That would be the first step for this party to buy some level of
confidence from the populace.
However, if it rejects this call, we may keep wondering about some
allegations that what the TPLF has been doing for the last fourteen years in
Finfinne was an extension of its fights in the jungle for the prior seventeen
years. The difference would be that this time, it may have been doing it out of
the city with, partly, the financing of the international community.
TPLF's choice of accepting or not accepting the oppositions' call to form a
Unity Government is going to shape the course of the next five years. Either
choice may not be its best option. Not accepting could well be its worst
choice.

5. By Prof. Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
Published: 8/27/2005