Andrea Vargas

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El documento presenta información personal de Andrea Vargas, incluyendo su número de identificación, nacionalidad venezolana, afiliación al Ministerio de Educación Superior de Venezuela y afiliación a la Universidad Santiago Mariño en Maracaibo, Estado Zulia, Venezuela.

Ingeniería

Andrea Vargas
19.832.496
República Bolivariana de Venezuela
Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Educación Superior
I.U.P. Santiago Mariño
Maracaibo, Estado Zulia

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In 2011 the world witnessed profound changes taking place in large parts of North-Africa and the Middle-East. Autocratic leaders were brought down by their people who had enough of the restrictive measures they had been a victim of for so many years. The civil unrest that had spontaneously broke out in Tunisia soon spilled over to Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Libya and Syria. Citizens demanded their leaders to step down in order for democracy to be introduced. These civil uprisings have been met with violent responses from authorities and have, in some cases, led to civil wars. For many Western countries the events of the Arab Spring came unexpected. Although many of them supported the people’s cry for democratic changes, no serious efforts were made to actively involve themselves in these domestic conflicts. However, having witnessed the atrocities committed by Colonel Gadhafi in Libya, an international coalition of the willing intervened militarily which eventually led to the downfall of the dictator. On 20 March 2011 this coalition of the willing conducted aerial bombardments after the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed Resolution 1973. This Resolution permitted the coalition to enforce a no-fly zone over the North-African country. After a week, mission control was handed over from the coalition, which was mainly led by the United States of America in military and intelligence contributions, to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The civil war in Libya has proven to be a perfect test-case for the European Union (EU) to see if it is able to fully maximise its military capabilities. Several preconditions that were most favourable for the EU were made in the run-up to the military operation: Security Council Resolution 1973 authorised the use of force; regional support in the form of a request made by the Arab League; and the US made it clear that it would not take the lead as it has done so many times before. However, the possibility of an EU military intervention in Libya was quickly rejected since no agreement could be reached between the 27 EU Member States. Considering that this crisis has occurred near its periphery, and recollecting the EU’s total absence during the Yugoslav wars, it is surprising that the EU did not respond to the Libyan people’s cry for help. The European Union’s handling of the civil war in Libya has been labelled as passive, slow and incoherent (Brattberg 2011, p. 1). This is most surprising considering the tough talks expressed prior to the military intervention by France, the United Kingdom and to a lesser extent, Germany. The conflicting national foreign policies posed the biggest constraint on the EU’s effectiveness to intervene in Libya. This thesis will therefore try to answer the following research question: Will the different perceptions that the ‘Big Three’ have of the CSDP hinder the EU’s capability to conduct future large-scale military operations?

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Andrea Vargas

1. Andrea Vargas 19.832.496 República Bolivariana de Venezuela Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Educación Superior I.U.P. Santiago Mariño Maracaibo, Estado Zulia

Andrea Vargas

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